Theories of Significance in U.S. Historic Preservation
The National Register criteria were developed in the late 1960s and early 1970s, as one part of the “system” put in place by the National Park Service and Advisory Council to implement the newly enacted National Historic Preservation Act. This system is designed, in theory, to ensure the fair, systematic consideration—and, where feasible, the preservation and enhancement—of places regarded as historically significant. One thing that makes this system rather unsystematic, I think, is that it tries to accommodate at least six distinct “theories of significance”—that is, six quite different worldviews within which people evaluate the significance of old places. This is not necessarily a bad thing; indeed it reflects a hurly-burly sort of creative ferment. What is a problem is that most people adhere to one or two such theories only and have trouble understanding that there may be others or that other theories may be legitimate. This lack of understanding is exacerbated by the fact that the theories have never—except here—been explicitly categorized.
Perhaps the most venerable is the commemoration and illustration theory, which holds that places are
historic when they commemorate or illustrate some important historical event,
process, or theme. This theory undergirds the National Historic Landmark (NHL)
program created by the National Park Service in response to the Historic Sites
Act of 1935. Within this theoretical frame, significance is judged
based on the strength of a property’s association with an event (e.g., a
battle), a significant historical process (e.g., industrialization), or a
specific “theme” or interpretive construct (e.g., “Man in Space”), together
with the importance of the event or theme itself and the property’s ability to
“convey” this association to a viewer. The commemoration and illustration
theory is pedagogical; it seeks to use historic places to inform the public
about that which is worthy of being commemorated or illustrated.
Closely
related to commemoration and illustration is the uniqueness-representativeness school, which espouses the seemingly contradictory
notions that places are significant if they are either one-of-a-kind,
last-ditch survivors, representatives of a type, or both.
Uniqueness-representativeness practitioners are usually architectural
historians, landscape historians, historians of engineering, or military
historians. Their school of thought, like commemoration and illustration, was
embedded in the nation’s perception of historic preservation by the 1935
Historic Sites Act. The 1935 act not only resulted in the NHL program with
commemoration and illustration at its core; it also made permanent the Historic
American Buildings Survey (HABS) and led to creation of the
Historic American Engineering Record (HAER) and later the
Historic American Landscapes Survey. These documentation programs are all about
recording the unique and the representative among works of architecture,
engineering, and landscape architecture.
Competing with commemoration and illustration and
uniqueness-representativeness in the venerability department is the scholarly value school
of thought, which holds that a place is significant if it can be studied to
learn something important about the past. The scholarly value school arguably
goes back to before the 1906 Antiquities Act, when the Smithsonian
Institution’s Bureau of American Ethnology conducted government-sponsored archaeological research in the Mississippi Valley, the Southwest, and
elsewhere. Like commemoration and illustration, the scholarly
value school seeks to inform, but where advocates of commemoration and
illustration value what can inform the public of what it does not know
but scholars do, scholarly value practitioners attribute significance to places
that can inform scholars about what they do not know. Scholarly value
also overlaps with uniqueness-representativeness, but where uniqueness-representativeness
is usually the province of various history subdisciplines, scholarly value
tends to be practiced by archaeologists—who in the United States are (or at
least are supposed to be) anthropologists. Moreover, the scholarly value theory
seeks to tease information out of places, while uniqueness-representativeness
is often satisfied simply to record and preserve them.
A fourth and newer theoretical approach may be thought of
as the ambience retention school.
Ambience retention adherents recognize that certain places—often urban
neighborhoods or commercial districts, but also rural landscapes, agricultural
areas, and the like—convey a distinct and valuable sense of place that is
recognizable and valued by most people—notably people who do not necessarily
live in the places thus valued. Many historic districts have been established
because of their ambience, and it is often a major challenge to retain that
ambience in rehabilitating and adapting historic districts to a changing world.
A related but nonetheless distinct school of thought is
the kitsch school, which holds that a
place is significant if it reflects some perhaps obscure but interesting or
amusing aspect of popular history and culture. Practitioners of the kitsch
school value places like drive-ins and motels along old Route 66.
Finally, there is what I think can best be called the community value school, which sees a
place as significant if it is valued by a living community. Such value may be
ascribed to something because community members feel it contributes to the
community’s sense of its identity, its cultural integrity, or its relationships
with the biophysical—and sometimes spiritual—environment. TCPs are obviously significant
primarily within this school of thought, which I believe found its legislative
expression in 1966 in the National Historic Preservation Act.
2 comments:
With these theories of significance, you then get a sense of bias at the root core. Especially, in 1956 with Mission 66,the government relaunched the NHL program to identify NS utilizing thematic studies. Instead of designating them all as the 1935 HA did, they selected ones they that were nationally significant. Now you get a problem of perception; people only selecting things for nominations that is believed the NPS will consider significant. Even though, the 1966 NHPA pushed for a broader audience by encouraging state and local nominations, people still fall into the trap of-if it doesn't fall into any or most of the categories for nominations, then it is not worthy of considering. Instead, we need to expand our repertoire of preservation, and especially, start considering creating a more inclusive urban landscape history where there are a lot of sites that are representative of our shared cultural history. Also, we need to start moving the long list of nominations forward to the registration process so we can better secure their presence in our ever changing and expanding American landscape.
Just one quibble, Christie -- why should we "move the long list of nominations forward?" If what's been nominated, or even considered, is just the stuff that people have concluded that NPS will accept based on ITs value judgments, why should anyone go to the trouble of moving them forward? Even if doing so would "secure their presence in our.. landscape?" Wouldn't we just be securing the vision of the past held by a small coterie of ostensible experts in NPS?
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